Battleground Bihar 2020
This field-essay is penned down exclusively for an independent media platform and is scheduled for release this week. An updated link to the published post shall be updated here.
Akriti Bhatia, Deepanshu Mohan, Jignesh Mistry, Shivani Agarwal, Advaita Singh, Shrrijiet Roychowdhary[i]
“It is against the natural order for the many to govern and the few to be governed”, once said the much famed-political philosopher, Jean-Jacque Rousseau in The Social Contract (1762). Adopting a view common among critics of democracy even in his time, Rousseau held that “there is no government so subject to civil wars and intestine agitations as democratic or popular government.” Despite his own pessimistic take on the prospects of representative-democracy, and a much narrower view on such a political system’s conceptual design than most other political-philosophers like Locke or Mill, Rousseau still believed that there was/is no (better) alternative to a government by representation.
In India’s democratic context, State-elections have perhaps become the only time when popular attention to local issues, and exaggerated claims in party manifestos, are all paid more heed to, evoking much promise or hope for a change in status-quo. Popularity and image of local leadership among the electoral; a trading market of party tickets and of-for votes, often tend to subvert the same issue-based electoral behavior.
Still, a democratic election-season educes a reason for questioning an incumbent party-in-power’s work, its leader’s work, as one assesses the ground impact by engaging with voters across social and economic groups. From an external observer’s perspective, it also becomes an absorbing time for many to understand the heterogeneity of social structures present, and its dynamics in shaping various issues that may influence a voter’s preference.
Bihar, with an electorate more than the entire population of countries like Italy, Spain, France and UK, and being one of the largest state-assemblies, is now gearing to know the results of this assembly-election on the 10th of November.
Nitish Kumar of the JDU-BJP alliance has been in power as the Chief Minister for three terms in the State now. The shifting dynamics of political-party competition, a potential churn in existing social equations, and Kumar’s own political (mis)steps have excited much commentary over the past few months. This is also the first large scale election happening in the country during a pandemic.
A political scientist’s key phrase emerging thus far, in defining the average voter preference, remains: A Split Voting Ticket Preference- as being explicitly seen on the ground between people’s approach in voting for state and national elections. The Mahagathbandhan, led by the youthful dynamism of Tejasvi Yadav, it seems, has a very good chance to come to power at the state level, while the Modi-BJP combine is still the popular choice for representative government choice at the Centre.
However, the political debate around this state-election of Bihar was less focused on the pandemic, or, on caste-based issues alone. Voters, it seemed, are now more concerned about the state of (un)employment, lack of economic and social development in the state, and are becoming vocal about these problems on the ground.
Here, we attempt to bring forth some voices from our field-coverage across parts of rural Bihar.
On being asked, how has the social situation for people changed in the rural areas, Ramnath from Ginjas panchayat in Bihar adds, “We feel powerless. We are turned into bonded labourers at the mercy of the State… Nothing has changed”.
Ramnath’s word echoes the voice of several (rural) voters who find themselves helpless as they grapple with difficult life situations, a history of unfilled political promises, and now even suffering from a lack of deserving candidates (as alternatives to the incumbent).
Unemployment and Migrant crisis:
A striking 93% of Bihar’s population is employed in its extremely vulnerable (unorganized) agriculture sector, with most farmers working with marginal land acreage and low incomes. Lack of alternative job opportunities; wrath of floods across the State has turned a large share of the workforce desperate, and unemployed.
The State, for long has now become a vital source for providing for migrant-work across the country. Most people, from rural Bihar, migrate with families to other cities simply because they have less opportunities to manage basic subsistence and livelihood in their own villages.
This problem accentuated when lakhs of migrant workers returned recently to their hometowns and villages after a curfew-style lockdown was imposed in the country earlier this year. Most lost their jobs and were left without any money, as all major production units across other states remained shut.
Ramesh, a B.Sc. student studying in Jalandhar describes the situation, “All young men and women (like myself) came back to our villages. Now we are all sitting at home. The fields are clogged with water. There is no way of getting any work around. What is the other option than being poor?”
Source: Jignesh Mistry/PAIGAM
The Wrath of Floods
Adding to the crisis of employment, the floods in August 2020 wreaked havoc in the lives of people across the North and South of Bihar. The devastation seen from floods has become an annual event for many in these regions, but this year’s catastrophe has been reported as one of the worst, where major crops for harvest are ruined, fields are buried under water, and kachcha houses have been washed away.
Despite all this, it still does not seem to be a priority for political parties even this election season. Nitish Kumar’s own government in power has not been able to work on long term infrastructural solutions, nor, ensured even basic compensation to those affected.
Source: Jignesh Mistry/PAIGAM
Rajesh from Ginjas says, “One who at least gets 6000 rupees as aid and compensation amount for the devastation caused, gets our vote”. This was the amount of compensation sanctioned and promised by the government but has not reached the people because of bureaucratic overload, red tapism and corruption. From what we checked, only 5 to 10 percent of affected families seem to have received this relief amount.
Laxmi says, “Our entire cultivation is lost. The field is no more suitable for sowing anything else. There is nothing to eat at home. What should we do?” Aid and relief money has become a major electoral issue for many in rural areas. Exaggerated promises by contesting parties are constantly swinging the needle of voter preference in the direction of one party to another.
Source: Jignesh Mistry/PAIGAM
Corruption and Despair
Padma tells, “Jahan bathroom hai wahan nal nahi hai, jahan nal hai wahan darwaza nhi hai. Isse achha bahar chale jaye; (Where there is bathroom, there is no tap; where there is tap, there is no door. It is better we defecate in open itself)”.
This is the response received in general from women across Muzaffarpur constituency (the second largest in the state) on questions on the construction of toilets- a push made by the PM’s Swachh Bharat program. The Rs.12,000 allotted for construction of toilets has been allegedly subject to heavy leakages at the hands of local authorities like the Mukhyas and have only resulted in dysfunctional concrete constructions. This is when the city has been included in the proposed Smart City’s Project.
Even though the popular claim made around the election was that Bihar has become hundred percent open defecation free, most rural voters, particularly women shared concerns around hygiene, sanitation and women-safety.
Brajesh, another elderly gentleman from Muzzafarpur mentions “Na road hai, na kaam, ghar mein pani hai aur fasal barbad hai.” The roads around the villages are in so bad conditions that people prefer to walk. “Nothing has changed here in the past 15 years”.
Source: Jignesh Mistry/PAIGAM
Nitish Kumar’s failed liquor-ban policy
A striking policy failure that has caused massive resentment amongst rural-urban people has been the failure of implementation of the alcohol ban and prohibition in the state. The poor implementation of the ban has increased the illegal supply of alcohol across the state, and for worse, also increased availability and production of spurious alcohol. The distributive nexus of production and distribution has been strengthened through channels of home delivery of liquor, while the consumption of the substance is being prosecuted, penalizing the poor disproportionately.
Laxman, when asked about the state of administration in the state, replied, “Sab Ram bharose hai yahan”.
He complained that all the officers are hands in gloves in corruption and no one can question them. “No one looks after the poor. Only the poor looks after the poor. The rich and powerful care for rich and powerful”, laments Ramtirth, standing next to Laxman, wondering how their problems will be solved. “All candidates are alike. Nothing is going to change. We are seeing it this since decades. What new will happen this time? Nothing!” adds Ramtirth.
Most rural people can see through the lackadaisical nature of the administration when they see that the schemes and benefits are announced by the government but are not received by them. Ram Singh, from Muzzafarpur, exasperates, “Yeh vote ka zamaana hai, jinko aana hoga woh aata hi rahega, vote lene ke aadhar par hi candidate aata rahega, bhaashan dega aur vote ke liye, aur ek baar gaye toh gaye hi reh gaye (This is all about votes, those who have to come will come, give a lecture, take their votes and then leave. They don’t return afterwards.)”
Source: Jignesh Mistry/PAIGAM
Caste-based voting continues
Despite the relatively higher focus on economic issues in this particular election, the role of caste-based politics and the arithmetic of caste-based voting has not lost its ground.
Voters openly voice the chasms between the “forward” and the “backward” castes in the electoral landscape of Bihar and often articulate the importance of their varchasv (identity assertion) over and above issues and image of a candidate. Caste divides are blatantly visible in the spatial segregation of a panchayat, where references that a Rajput “Tola” (a village community neighborhood cluster) would vote for the NDA while a Yadav Tola would go for Tejasvi led Mahagathbandhan, are very common.
Most candidates are still finding ways and means to appease lower-caste rural voters by handing cash-in-advance or trying to offer (false) promises.
We saw how narratives of young-middle aged voters like Laxmi, Ramtirth, Ram Singh, Ramesh and Padma from different parts of rural Bihar also arouse a tragic tale, one, of increasing hopelessness in the political process.
Source: Jignesh Mistry/PAIGAM
In the midst of struggling to find their own voice, find solutions to their problems, receive a life of subsistence and dignity back at the hands of the state, people from rural Bihar (as observed during the field observations) are struggling to have much faith in the electoral process.
The ground reality of the State, its stage of economic development, and the discriminatory condition of economic opportunities across (social) groups stand in stark contrast with the discourse of development that party campaigns and exaggerated manifestos are advertising and reporting.
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[i] Names of the respondents have been changed to protect their identity.
All photographs credits belong to Jignesh Mistry (PAIGAM). This field-analysis is part of a Visual Storyboard field-initiative undertaken by Centre for New Economics Studies (CNES) in collaboration with PAIGAM (People’s Association in Grassroots Action and Movement).
The authors would like to especially thank and acknowledge the invaluable support and contribution received on this Visual Storyboardfrom Mr. Kunwar Hari Om (PAIGAM), Kafeel Ahmad Farooqui (PAIGAM) and rest of the team. Please see the Photo-Essay on the Battleground Bihar Election coverage released here and here
Akriti Bhatia is Founder and Director of PAIGAM (People’s Association in Grassroots Action and Movement). Deepanshu Mohan is Associate Professor of Economics and Director, Centre for New Economics Studies (CNES), Jindal School of Liberal Arts, O.P. Jindal Global University. Jignesh Mistry is a freelance Photojournalist currently working with PAIGAM. Shivani Agarwal is Senior Research Analyst with CNES. Advaita Singh is Research Analyst with CNES. Shrrijiet Roychowdhary is Senior Research Assistant, CNES.
